Sectarianism

Sectarianism unfortunately is not restricted to Christianity and much of the conflict engulfing Iraq and Syria, where many of our brothers and sisters in Christ are being persecuted for their faith at the moment, has also a sectarian aspect to it.  The two sides involved are being supported by either Iran or Saudi Arabia. The Council for Foreign Relations has recently published an article called ‘The Sunni-Shia Divide’ which deals with the origins of this divide in Islam, present tensions, how both sides differ in the practice of their faith, and where different militants are to be found.

The struggles between Sunni and Shia forces have not only fuelled the wars in Syria and Iraq but have caused tension throughout the Gulf region and led to the development of a number of transnational jihadi networks.

While this schism is 14 centuries old, it is obviously not the sole reason for these conflicts but nonetheless provides some insight to explain some of the underlying tensions. Like many previous conflicts in the world this battle is being carried out by proxies, these are determined to purge apostasy or to prepare for the way for a messianic advent. Notwithstanding this, it must be said many Sunni and Shia clerics advocate the use of dialogue and non-violence. As with other sectarian conflicts in communities, for most of the time Sunnis and Shia Muslims have lived at peace with each other, have intermarried and shared mosques. Both believe in the Koran and Prophet Mohamed’s sayings and say the same prayers but they differ in rituals and interpretation of Islamic law.

Shias trace their roots back to 7^th Century to the killing of Husayn, the Prophet’s grandson. As a minority, Shias were often considered heretics and apostates by the Sunni majority. Of 1.8 billion Muslims today, 85% are Sunni and 15% Shia.

After the death of Mohamed a dispute arose over the succession. The Shias argued for the family dynasty; supporting Abu Bakr for Caliph and the Sunnis for a theocratic meritocracy to govern the new faith. The Sunnis backed Ali ibn Abi Talib. Shia stems from Shiatu Ali (supporters of Ali), whereas Sunni comes from Sunna (the Way). The Sunnis won and provided the Caliphs, but the Shias rejected their authority so were persecuted and marginalised.

For Sunnis an Imam leads prayers in the mosque, but for Shias Imam is used for a religious leader who is a descendant of Mohamed. Shias recognise 12 Imams; the 12th became hidden and will return at the end of time. Senior Shia clerics are the Ayatollahs (Sign of God). Many forced conversions amongst Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians chose to be Shia rather than Sunni to protest over Sunni bigotry. Shias form a majority in Iran, Iraq, Azerbaijan and Bahrain and are the biggest Muslim sect in Lebanon. Sunnis are the majority in the rest of the arc stretching from Mauritania from to Indonesia.

With Iran supporting groups with a Shia agenda, Saudi Arabia felt the need in turn to support the Sunnis and so propagated their form of Hanafi, Wahhabism, as the true faith.  However, neither side is particularly focused on fighting each other. They also have their own internal struggles to contend with, but sectarian violence does appear more common where a minority rules over a majority. In Saddam’s time in Iraq, a Sunni minority ruled over a Shia majority, this has since been reversed. The Assad regime relies on the Shia Alawis to retain power in Sunni Syria and in Bahrain a Sunni Royal family rules over Shia subjects.

Sunnis and Shias agree on the Five Pillars of Islam: confessing Allah as God and Mohamed as his messenger; daily prayers; giving to the poor; fasting at Ramadan and the pilgrimage to Mecca. The main differences arise in the interpretation of Sharia (Islamic Law). Shias believe God provides a guide through the Imams, Ayatollahs and Maraji (religious schools). Sunis use the Koran and the traditions of Mohamed, and are constrained by legal precedent. Sunni jurisprudence has 4 divisions, the Hanafi and Shafii have their main centres in the Levant, Egypt and Indonesia, the Maliki in North Africa and Sudan and the Hanbali in Saudia Arabia

It is interesting to compare Sunni Al-Qaeda and Shia Hezbollah; neither stress their sectarianism, but rather their anti-imperialism, especially against the US and Israel. But Hezbollah is now part of the Lebanese political establishment, while Al-Qaeda continues to operate through clandestine networks. In Syria, Sunni fighters join groups such as Ahrar al-Sham, the Islamic Front or Al-Qaeda’s Nusra Front against Bashir Assad, while the Shia enlist in the Syrian National Defence Force supported by Hezbollah  and Asaib Ahl al-Haq to defend the Syrian regime. The Sunni group ISIS came out of Al-Qaeda in Iraq and established itself in Northern Iraq and Eastern Syria. It defied Al-Qaeda’s High Command concerning its transborder presence and its extremism so was expelled from it, renaming itself IS and proclaimed its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, as Caliph.

Both groups use satellite TV and the Internet in their propaganda war to demonise each other. Sunni extremists use social media to help with recruitment, easier than having to infiltrate mosques; Shias are generally recruited directly by the State in Syria, Iraq and Iran.

Saudi Arabia supplies financial support to the Sunni rebels in Syria while Iran props up the Syrian regime both financially and with military manpower.

As usual with sectarian conflict there is always a human cost. In this case another humanitarian crisis has emerged with the displacement of over 3 million traumatised and impoverished refugees. They are seeking refuge in already cash-strapped and pressured countries such as Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, Kurdistan and Turkey